President Joe Biden gave the steelworkers union a victory by blocking the purchase of US Steel (USSX34.SA) by Japan’s Nippon Steel (NPSCY) on Jan. 3. But that won’t necessarily protect vulnerable steelworker jobs, which is a hot political issue whether an election is underway or it’s the off-season.
Biden is essentially punting the issue to incoming President Donald Trump, who’s likely to use import tariffs to protect domestic steelmakers and their workers. That may not accomplish much either, however. During Trump’s first term, tariffs may have supported a small number of American jobs in favored industries, but they raised costs and killed jobs in other industries, for a net effect that was slightly worse than doing nothing.
Trump now has a chance to improve on his first-term performance. After Biden blocked the Nippon-US Steel mashup through an executive order, the two firms sued to overturn Biden’s order and allow the buyout to move forward. In two separate lawsuits, the firms challenged the legal basis for Biden’s order and accused the United Steelworkers union of colluding with a third company, Cleveland-Cliffs (CLF), to prevent the Nippon purchase so Cliffs could buy US Steel at a lower price and establish a monopoly in some corners of the domestic steel market. Analysts think the lawsuits have slim odds of success.
There was one catch: The deal would need US government approval since a foreign firm cannot buy an American company if it might create national security risks. Last year, Joe Biden, Donald Trump, and Kamala Harris all came out against the deal, basically saying US Steel should remain in American hands because — well, just because. The real reason was union opposition to the deal and worries about losing union votes in bellwether Pennsylvania during the 2024 presidential election.
Most business analysts see no national security risk in the purchase since Japan is a close US ally and the US defense sector only needs around 2% of domestically produced steel. The government body whose job is to assess whether there’s a security risk deadlocked on the question, leaving the decision up to Biden. After he said no, critics slammed the lame-duck president for scotching a sound business decision that would have done more to secure steelworker jobs than leaving US Steel behind the competition on scale and efficiency.
United Steelworkers president David McCall said Nippon has a history of undercutting workers by moving production to low-cost regions, which could threaten job security at unionized plants in Pennsylvania and Indiana. Initially, Nippon only wanted to buy US Steel’s newer, more efficient non-union facilities in Arkansas. The union has better relations with Cleveland-Cliffs, which could still mount another bid for US Steel but probably couldn’t match Nippon’s offer. As in many industries, the dispute pits shareholders seeking the highest return against blue-collar workers fighting to protect paychecks and livelihoods. Both sides have valid points.
Trump seems certain to tout his magic cure-all — tariffs — as the solution that will bolster US Steel’s fading muscle while keeping union jobs where they are. On paper, the logic might seem sensible. Tariffs raise the cost of imports, making domestically produced goods more competitive. In 2018, Trump imposed tariffs of 25% on steel and aluminum imports from most countries. Lo and behold, the price of American steel rose by about 9%, and the steel industry’s profit margin jumped from 9.6% in 2017 to 17.4% in 2018, according to S&P Capital IQ.
The number of people employed in the steel industry rose from 182,500 in 2017 to 187,291 in 2018 and 191,378 in 2019. So a modest gain in employment accompanied Trump’s steel tariffs. But employment declined by about 75,000 in industries that were suddenly paying more for metals because of Trump’s tariffs, for a net loss of around 70,000 jobs due to those tariffs during the first year they were in effect.
“President Trump’s tariffs … damaged the US economy,” the Peterson Institute for International Economics reported in 2021. “They protected some US metal producers — but at the cost of raising prices for the many US domestic manufacturers that use steel and aluminum.”
There were other complications. To retaliate against the Trump metal tariffs, the European Union imposed tariffs on American exports such as Harley-Davidson (HOG) motorcycles, Levi’s (LEVI) jeans, and Kentucky bourbon. Harley said the European tariffs added $2,200 to the cost of a US-made motorcycle exported to Europe and moved some production out of the United States to avoid the tariffs.
Biden mostly removed Trump’s steel and aluminum tariffs after taking office in 2021. Steelworker employment dipped modestly during the COVID downturn in 2020 and 2021 but then recovered, perhaps because of new laws Biden signed to boost infrastructure and green energy development, which requires a lot of steel. Employment in the industry is now back to 2019 levels, or where it was during peak tariff — but without the tariffs.
Trump has been cagey about just how aggressively he’ll use tariffs during his second term. Some of his aides say they’re more of a threat meant to generate leverage in negotiations with trade partners, while Trump insists he’s not bluffing. If that’s true, the domestic steel industry could be one of Trump’s first targets. Workers should be careful what they wish for.
Rick Newman is a senior columnist for Yahoo Finance. Follow him on Bluesky and X: @rickjnewman.